Okay, so I fed T2T excerpts from Churchill's famous speeches.
Speeches went in, althistory came out.
I would say to the House as I said to those who have joined this government: "I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat". They were the epitome of the old country, with all that their ancestors endured. I have always supported India's sovereignty because we have stood against terrorism, against tyranny, because we have worked towards the destruction of terror networks and the eradication of the scourge of terrorism.
"There are hundreds of millions of Indians who are now part of the world's largest democracy. That has left them with a freedom of conscience, and that has given them the right to speak freely. This is the greatest honour of my life. In India, we believe that when it comes to democracy, if citizens believe strongly enough then it will manifest itself for their own benefit, that they alone have the right to make up the country's mind."
She also defended her comments after they attracted criticism on social media in which users accused her of trying to "foment communalism".
"Freedom, security, democracy, those four concepts, have to be combined, if you love democracy. Freedom is not just a matter of free access to content… you also have to love each other."
I would say to the House as I said to those who have joined this government: "I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat".
For our party it is about unity not division.
I have to make the point very loudly and clearly that when we talk about how an independent Scotland, whether we are talking of Holyrood or Westminster, is an independent sovereign state, we are talking about real autonomy - we are talking about freedom, not austerity or a return to the past.
The people can decide whether they want that. And I hope a majority in Scotland will vote for us to keep the Union.
Now that is what we should be doing and I hope that that is exactly what our Party, which has come so close so far, can achieve.
We have come so far from a generation of independence-minded, centre-right, right-wing, left-wing people who thought there had to be one person as leader, one person for the whole of the country - I should like to think they were just right.
Well now that is out of the way let us speak about what an independent Scotland is.
I am sure that there is much debate to be had on the details of independence.
I would say to the House as I said to those who have joined this government: "I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat".
So I would like you to join me, and as we go forward together, let's keep our pledge.
The Labour party is better equipped to deal with austerity.
It can offer a new economic plan in the right circumstances, which gives us real gains for real working people - and that's what I'm proposing. I will do everything that I can to help our country get off the cliff.
This is not a debate about government. This is about the kind of country we want for everyone in this country, not just in terms of our national wealth - but in terms of our collective wealth. That's what the Labour party has to do. Labour will deliver the policies that will bring down the deficit and reduce inequality.
When the prime minister said he wanted us to be all in a fight of this magnitude, that is, by tackling deficits and debt and putting public services back on an even keel - a Labour government would deliver those things.
Here is what's at stake, and I promise to get the Labour party in that fight:
First, we want to cut the deficit even further.
We shall fight in France, we shall fight on the seas and oceans, we shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in the air, we shall defend our island, whatever the cost may be. We shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender! "The moment of defeat has arrived! The last nail in the coffin of imperialism is being hammered home!" [Ibid. 4] He emphasized the urgent need to defend French culture, culture that is under threat not only from immigration but also from radicalization. "France will never be an island of quiet in Europe; we shall not disappear from the scene!" And he concluded with a call for a decisive revolution. In France's own history, such calls were repeated several times, from Marx to Cabet to Toussaint Louverture during the 1970s and 80s. They became central to national identity in the aftermath of what may be considered the Cold War. The very meaning of nationalism was under assault by modernity, both in the name of the European project and in the image it projected. And yet, it is this very image of European unity that gives way at great moments: on the basis of the myth of the "one," the idea of brotherhood, solidarity, and coexistence.
Even though large tracts of Europe and many old and famous States have fallen or may fall into the grip of the Gestapo and all the odious apparatus of Nazi rule, we shall not flag or fail. We shall go on to the end. We shall fight in France, we shall fight on the seas and oceans, we shall not lose our nerve. There will be no retreat.' Stalin's words were delivered in the days following the Normandy invasion -- and in his speech of February 19, 1944 the Red Army took the last hold of Vichy Paris, its capital for four months. To be sure, the Red Army lost far more men than had surrendered, but it won. Its own forces gained ground in the West. In Normandy, as in France, it did not capitulate and surrender. It simply ran away. So much for Stalin's final plea that Germans 'fight as though they are fighting for God!' And yet Stalin's ultimate promise was that the Germans shall, if they ever see fit to resist again in that land of 'wicked fate' as the Gestapo had always called it, fight 'tirelessly without fear.'
With the Allies at the end of 1942, this became very clear in Berlin. That night, in the early hours of January 30, Stalin was summoned to the Kremlin.
But if we fail, then the whole world, including the United States, including all that we have known and cared for, will sink into the abyss of a new dark age made more sinister, and perhaps more protracted, by the lights of perverted science. Let us therefore brace ourselves to our duties, and so bear ourselves, that if the British Empire and its Commonwealth last for a thousand years, men will still say, "This was their finest hour." The present epoch is likely to last for a century or more. It begins in the spring of 1914. Now, if the British Empire fails, a new, terrible war, to be won in the name of peace, will break out. The great war will begin with a general German mobilization to retake Berlin. This is the general war plan given to the American President by Henry Knox, one of the leaders of the British Union of Fascists, during Hitler's visit to this country in June of 1914. "We know exactly where the troops are lying," he says.
Let us therefore brace ourselves to our duties, and so bear ourselves, that if the British Empire and its Commonwealth last for a thousand years, men will still say, "This was their finest hour." But if all the days which have passed since the fall of the Roman Empire have done us less mischief than when the sword touched the British crown, if all the days that have passed since the downfall of the British Commonwealth have done more injury than when the American revolution shook our foundations and shattered the foundations of our republic than when England's arms are at last at rest, there will soon come a time when we shall weep under our country. The day will come when we shall wonder no longer what we have done for the glory of the human race, when our past, our hopes, our dreams of glory are gone. We shall mourn and weep when we contemplate that last hour, when we shall know, with a broken heart that our days are now numbered and our people shall disappear from the earth. And when the cry of mankind that we must rise is heard over the world, "All-Powerful, God-Emperor, Rise!"
